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For 200 years, there were substantial differences among U.S. regions in per capita incomes and economic growth. Each region had a distinct set of economic activities and, to a major degree, the differences in regional economic performance were linked to the differences in economic structure. Individual states experienced periods of expansion and contraction as the basic business activities dominating their economy expanded and contracted. These changes led to significant migration of people and businesses among regions and to a gradual narrowing, since the 1930s, of regional disparities. Over the period of 1990 to 2007, the United States experienced outstanding economic success. Many analysts expressed the view that this economic success rested on consistently high productivity growth. The public philosophy supported low taxes and low government expenditure for health, education and welfare, with a heavy reliance on the need for each individual to succeed on one's own. In the second half of the 20th century, a general recognition developed that knowledge has a major impact on economic growth, and that increasingly intense international competition is based upon knowledge and innovation. Each nation, as well as each region within a nation, has a distinct innovation system. At the forefront has been the United States. By the fall of 2008, it was clear that the United States had entered a major financial and economic crisis, and that reforms might be needed to achieve recovery and to prevent a recurrence.

For 200 years, there were substantial differences among U.S. regions in per capita incomes and economic growth. Each region had a distinct set of economic activities and, to a major degree, the differences in regional economic performance were linked to the differences in economic structure. Individual states experienced periods of expansion and contraction as the basic business activities dominating their economy expanded and contracted. These changes led to significant migration of people and businesses among regions and to a gradual narrowing, since the 1930s, of regional disparities. Over the period of 1990 to 2007, the United States experienced outstanding economic success. Many analysts expressed the view that this economic success rested on consistently high productivity growth. The public philosophy supported low taxes and low government expenditure for health, education and welfare, with a heavy reliance on the need for each individual to succeed on one's own. In the second half of the 20th century, a general recognition developed that knowledge has a major impact on economic growth, and that increasingly intense international competition is based upon knowledge and innovation. Each nation, as well as each region within a nation, has a distinct "innovation system." At the forefront has been the United States. By the fall of 2008, it was clear that the United States had entered a major financial and economic crisis, and that reforms might be needed to achieve recovery and to prevent a recurrence.

By 2009, China's exports had increased dramatically from $250 billion in 2000 to a projected $1,500 billion in 2009. This enormous growth of exports severely damaged competing businesses in the advanced nations, particularly the United States and Europe. China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 guaranteed China's right to export to these nations, but at the same time the WTO required China to adhere to certain rules that sought to support fair trade and create a level playing field. Several broad subjects each gave rise to a series of trade disputes: the protection of intellectual property, health and safety concerns about China's products, labour and environmental standards, China's manipulation of their currency, and costs and prices determined by the government rather than free markets. This case examines each set of trade disputes and China's attempts to resolve them. Many disputes were embedded in cultural practices and ideological positions and so they might not disappear quickly. Shortcomings in China's legal and judicial system hampered enforcement. In addition, many rested on the government's desire to protect the interestsof Chinese businesses and their employees, and so China might alter its practices only if confronted with credible retalitory threats. China's central government experienced the "principal-agent" problem where its wishes and decisions could be ignored by local governments and firms. Meanwhile, changes in industry structure within the advanced nations were altering the negotiation positions of Western governments. The case examines the WTO dispute resolution procedures and enforcement mechanisms that have been directed at China's trade disputes.

The financial system is the heart of free market economies. The 2007-2008 financial crisis raised concerns that the global financial and economic system might experience a truly substantial collapse. New financial instruments had proliferated to the degree that it had become impossible to calculate the market value of many of them, and so it had become impossible to know the market value of institutions that held them or that guaranteed them. The initial disaster occurred with the U.S. subprime residential mortgage market, but it quickly spread globally to institutions that held new financial instruments related to these mortgages. Firms that had guaranteed these financial instruments found that their net worth was disappearing, leading to concerns about the institutions that had relied on their guarantees. Meanwhile, new kinds of hedge funds introduced the risk of greater volatility, and they exposed investors to sudden shocks. Many banks were caught in this web and suddenly had to obtain additional equity capital in order to meet regulatory requirements and maintain the confidence of depositors. As a result of these developments, liquidity disappeared from the financial system. It seemed that recession in the United States was inevitable. Previous expectations that other economies had become decoupled for the United States were being replaced by fears that economies throughout the world would follow the United States into recession. Central banks reacted dramatically with attempts to reduce interest rates and to increase financial liquidity, and the U.S. government cut personal taxes through a tax refund program. It was not clear whether monetary and fiscal policies could prevent a long and deep recession. Debate arose concerning the advisability of a wide variety of new regulations that might be able to prevent future recurrence of such a financial crisis.

The financial system is the heart of free market economies. The 2007-2008 financial crisis raised concerns that the global financial and economic system might experience a truly substantial collapse. New financial instruments had proliferated to the degree that it had become impossible to calculate the market value of many of them, and so it had become impossible to know the market value of institutions that held them or that guaranteed them. The initial disaster occurred with the U.S. subprime residential mortgage market, but it quickly spread globally to institutions that held new financial instruments related to these mortgages. Firms that had guaranteed these financial instruments found that their net worth was disappearing, leading to concerns about the institutions that had relied on their guarantees. Meanwhile, new kinds of hedge funds introduced the risk of greater volatility, and they exposed investors to sudden shocks. Many banks were caught in this web and suddenly had to obtain additional equity capital in order to meet regulatory requirements and maintain the confidence of depositors. As a result of these developments, liquidity disappeared from the financial system. It seemed that recession in the United States was inevitable. Previous expectations that other economies had become "decoupled" for the United States were being replaced by fears that economies throughout the world would follow the United States into recession. Central banks reacted dramatically with attempts to reduce interest rates and to increase financial liquidity, and the U.S. government cut personal taxes through a tax refund program. It was not clear whether monetary and fiscal policies could prevent a long and deep recession. Debate arose concerning the advisability of a wide variety of new regulations that might be able to prevent future recurrence of such a financial crisis.

Global financial markets had changed dramatically in the decade following the ING (A) case, product # 9A99M022. This (B) case points to the nature of these changes, creating an opportunity for students to discuss them. Meanwhile, ING had also altered its global strategy, eliminating its attempts to create a global investment bank, and focusing its activities on specific financial sectors, each of which reported directly to head office. This new structure enabled ING head office to maintain closer control over its numerous local institutions. Students can analyze alternative potential strategies for ING in the context of the major financial changes. The (B) case presents summaries of: the 2007-08 global financial crisis; the attempts, like Basel II, to establish global reserve requirements; the economic prospects of the European Union and emerging markets; and ING Direct's success in e-banking.

At the time of the Mekong Corporation (Mekong) and the Vietnam Motor Vehicle Industry (A) case, product 9A96H002, some analysts felt that the Vietnamese automotive market was about to expand substantially. By 2007, the industry's capacity had increased enormously to nearly 150,000. However, the domestic sales had only expanded to approximately 40,000, and exports were negligible. This (B) case examines the government's interventionist policies that stimulated the expansion of production capacity while restraining vehicle sales. A key element was the continuation of very high import tariffs and other taxes that maintained a protected market for domestic manufacturers. In this context, Mekong continued to operate successfully. This case encourages students to consider the appropriate role of government in stimulating economic development, as well as appropriate corporate strategy in a protected market.

At the time of the Mekong Corporation (Mekong) and the Vietnam Motor Vehicle Industry (A) case, product 9A96H002, some analysts felt that the Vietnamese automotive market was about to expand substantially. By 2007, the industry's capacity had increased enormously to nearly 150,000. However, the domestic sales had only expanded to approximately 40,000, and exports were negligible. This (B) case examines the government's interventionist policies that stimulated the expansion of production capacity while restraining vehicle sales. A key element was the continuation of very high import tariffs and other taxes that maintained a protected market for domestic manufacturers. In this context, Mekong continued to operate successfully. This case encourages students to consider the appropriate role of government in stimulating economic development, as well as appropriate corporate strategy in a protected market.

By 2006, the Point Lisas Industrial Estate (PLIPDECO) consisted of approximately 44 industrial sites on 1,000 hectares of land. Some in Trinidad advocated the creation of additional estates as well as expansion into business like aluminum, which required a great deal of energy. The government of Trinidad had continued a menu of tax exemptions and incentives, and substantial additional foreign investments were expected. Meanwhile, Hugo Chavez had become President of Venezuela and had instituted a socialist, anti-American regime that was seizing assets and rewriting contracts with foreign investors. Trinidad looked like a favourable investment site compared with Venezuela. However, not all was happiness. The businesses involved with PLIPDECO needed relatively few employees. Some in Trinidad referred to this reality as the "curse of oil."

This note uses several reports to compare China and India, and it encourages students to analyse the long list of public policies that have restrained India's economic growth and FDI inflows, and that have acted as barriers to liberalization reforms. Presented are the historical realities that supported India's political philosophy of autarky and government intervention. Finally, the note leads students to consider the future prospects for India, and potential foreign investors there, through comparisons with China.

This case uses several reports to compare China and India, and it encourages students to analyse the long list of public policies that have restrained India's economic growth and FDI inflows, and that have acted as barriers to liberalization reforms. Presented are the historical realities that supported India's political philosophy of autarky and government intervention. Finally, the case leads students to consider the future prospects for India, and potential foreign investors there, through comparisons with China.

By 2006, Hungary had experienced more than 15 years of transition from central planning to free markets. The reform process had involved several distinct phases. The initial leap to the market, with its widespread privatizations, included a dramatic deregulation with a guillotine procedure. A more refined process of regulatory impact assessments (RIAs) followed this period. A newly empowered competition office sought to strengthen the extent of competition within markets dominated by a single firm or a small group of firms. The goal of EU membership was a consistent driver of the reforms as early as 1991, since the EU model was compulsory for EU members. These years had been turbulent, and the transition was not yet complete. In 2006, Hungary faced the challenge of a fiscal deficit that was 9.5 per cent of GDP, and responded by raising corporate tax rates from 16 per cent to 20 per cent as an attempt to close the fiscal gap. However, Hungary was in an intense competition with Poland, the Czech Republic and Romania to attract opportunities. Tax rates were an important element in this competition, but so were the regulatory impediments and distortions that still remained in the economy. How to create a rapidly growing economy was a question at the forefront of public policy debate. A 2006 Financial Times article discussed this dilemma.

Many nations have created geographically distinct areas with special features designed to attract foreign investment. In deciding where to locate various operations, businesses today must investigate the benefits and incentives offered by a plethora of special economic zones (SEZs) throughout the world. The business location decision involves a comparison of many alternative sites, each with its own set of incentives. Many small nations have put in place minimal corporate tax rates as a way of gaining some revenue by attracting head office functions, particularly those tasks related to finance. This government revenue may be only a very small percentage of a corporation's international profit; nevertheless, it may form a significant portion of the tax haven's income. Many businesses make their international location decisions so as to accumulate their taxable profits in tax havens. Apart from these zero-tax regimes, countries impose a wide range of corporate profit tax rates. A business can often find a country with a tax rate lower than both the country where it was incorporated and the country where it wishes to invest. By funneling profits to a zero-tax or even a lower tax jurisdiction, a business is able to minimize its aggregate tax payments. Although recent international agreements have sought to limit these practices, opportunities are still available for tax minimization. Tax havens, as well as SEZs, can play an important role in business location decisions.

In 2001, the Dabhol Power Company (DPC) ceased operations following several years of bitter acrimony between the state of Maharashtra and the foreign owners. GE and Bechtel each owned 10 per cent of the equity, the Maharashtra State Energy Board (MSEB) owned 15 per cent and Enron owned 65 per cent. The Overseas Private Insurance Corporation (OPIC), a U.S. government agency, had lent $138 million and also had provided insurance against political risk for some of the other 19 foreign lenders. The lengthy and convoluted experiences of the Enron Dabhol power project are described in detail in Andrew Inkpen's case Enron and the Dabhol Power Company, Thunderbird Case # A07020008. The purpose of India's Negotiations Concerning the Dabhol Power Company 2001-2005 is to discuss the negotiation between the various foreign investors and the government of India in an attempt to reactivate the Dabhol project. Ultimately, in 2005 a settlement was negotiated. This case adds a further dimension to the case by Andrew Inkpen, and it can be taught most effectively as a sequel to that case.

This case presents a summary of U.S. trade and investment sanctions in effect as of 2006. The case examines in detail the U.S. sanctions against Cuba, and it discusses the challenges and opportunities that these sanctions have created for Cuba's largest foreign investor, Sherritt International. The discussion concerning Sherritt presents the wide array of forces that impact a business that is contemplating trade or investment with a country against which sanctions have been imposed. In spite of U.S. sanctions, Sherritt International, based in Canada, developed profitable businesses in Cuba, in mining, oil and gas, hotels and food processing. The U.S. policies, while imposing costs, also reduced the competition that Sherritt would otherwise have faced. The ability to work with the Communist government gave Sherritt a strong competitive advantage and a protected market. Sherritt had positioned itself with a first mover advantage if sanctions were lifted.

By 2006, in spite of lack a of significant reforms, the Russian banking system had recovered from the 1998 crisis, and its indicators such as capital, assets, and loans greatly exceeded the levels prior to 1998. The Russian economy had expanded rapidly, largely as a result of higher energy prices. However, many analysts were concerned about the large role played by oil and gas, and feared that energy exports were keeping the value of the ruble so high that non-energy manufacturing was being hurt. V. Bank had survived the 1998 crisis, and was considered one of the top 25 banks. In spite of this progress, its financial reports emphasized a series of concerns. Furthermore, Russia's political situation seemed precarious, as illustrated in the Khodorkovsky crisis, as a result of which Gazprom and the Yukos assets returned to majority state ownership. Some analysts pointed to a revival of authoritarian and arbitrary state intervention, and debated the possibility of a liberal political reaction in Russia similar to the Orange Revolution in the Ukraine.

For the first five years, Malaysia's Multimedia Development Corporation (MDC) pursued its original mission and vision, seeking to create a research and design corridor (Multimedia Super Corridor - MSC) that would be at the leading edge of the new economy. However, many analysts criticized key elements of the MDC. Some analysts feared that civil servants lacked the technical capability. Others feared the MDC lacked the ability to encourage a risk-taking culture. Many pointed to the lack of entrepreneurial activity. Stan Shih concluded that there were simply not enough knowledge workers in Malaysia. By 2003, the MDC had shifted its focus to the development of labor-intensive IT-related activities at the low end of value chains, taking advantage of Malaysia's low costs and its geographical position as a potential Asian hub. This is a supplement to Malaysia's Multimedia Development Corporation (A), product 9A98G001.

Hugo Chavez often pointed to Simon Bolivar as the model for his political philosophy, centered on Bolivar's vision of a unified and independent Latin America. In 1998, Chavez ran in the presidential election, on a platform that opposed what he termed the "savage neoliberalism" of the 1990s. Chavez's speeches in the presidential election campaign emphasized the importance of "national sovereignty" and "economic justice." As president, Chavez passed a new Hydrocarbons Law to enhance the share oil revenue that would be owed to the government; he created a new government-owned bank; he introduced a radical land reform law; and he encouraged takeovers by the government and employees of privately-owned factories. Venezuela sold oil to Cuba at reduced prices in return for professionals, especially doctors who created health missions in many low-income areas. Chavez sought to foment socialist anti-American revolutions throughout Latin America. In the context of this socialist agenda, analysts expected that Venezuela's economy would experience serious challenges in the coming years. The combination of high inflation, fiscal pressure, and slow growth would be a boiling political cauldron in which violent opposition could ferment.

Hugo Chavez often pointed to Simon Bolivar as the model for his political philosophy, centered on Bolivar's vision of a unified and independent Latin America. In 1998, Chavez ran in the presidential election, on a platform that opposed what he termed the savage neoliberalism of the 1990s. Chavez's speeches in the presidential election campaign emphasized the importance of national sovereignty and economic justice. As president, Chavez passed a new Hydrocarbons Law to enhance the share oil revenue that would be owed to the government; he created a new government-owned bank; he introduced a radical land reform law; and he encouraged takeovers by the government and employees of privately-owned factories. Venezuela sold oil to Cuba at reduced prices in return for professionals, especially doctors who created health missions in many low-income areas. Chavez sought to foment socialist anti-American revolutions throughout Latin America. In the context of this socialist agenda, analysts expected that Venezuela's economy would experience serious challenges in the coming years. The combination of high inflation, fiscal pressure, and slow growth would be a boiling political cauldron in which violent opposition could ferment.

Citigroup had become too complex for investors to understand, and so share values stagnated. Furthermore, over the period 2000 to 2005, many divisions within Citigroup were charged with illegal or unethical behavior. It seemed that Citigroup had simply become too large and complex for central management to prevent inappropriate decisions on the part of various groups scattered throughout the world. It appeared that Citigroup needed a new corporate culture to guide globally decentralized decision-making. Meanwhile, Citigroup undertook a substantial expansion in China. However, many other giant financial institutions were also expanding in China, intensifying competition. By 2006, analysts throughout the world were becoming increasingly concerned about the possibility of rapid inflation in China, and the government of China shared this concern.