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This case, designed to be used either together with The British Water Industry (B):Glas Cymru and the Debate over Nonprofits (1810.0) or separately, describes the controversies in the British water industry in 2002, 13 years after it was privatized. The (A) case (revised January 2006) focuses on the industry's experience with price-cap regulation, the system of controlling monopoly that the British applied to all the utilities they privatized in the 1980s and 1990s. The case is intended to support a discussion of the difficulties of regulating of monopolies and the advantages and disadvantages of the price-cap approach. The (B) case focuses on the controversy over the conversion of a major for-profit water company into a nonprofit water company and is designed to support a discussion of the merits of for-profit and nonprofit firms and the optimal capital structure of for-profit firms. The two cases are linked together in that some observers blame difficulties in utility regulation for generating interest in nonprofit utilities. HKS Case Number 1809.0

This case, designed to be used either together with The British Water Industry (A): The Evolution of Price-Cap Regulation (1809.0) or separately, describes the controversies in the British water industry in 2002, 13 years after it was privatized. The (A) case focuses on the industry's experience with price-cap regulation, the system of controlling monopoly that the British applied to all the utilities they privatized in the 1980s and 1990s. The case is intended to support a discussion of the difficulties of regulating of monopolies and the advantages and disadvantages of the price-cap approach. The (B) case focuses on the controversy over the conversion of a major for-profit water company into a nonprofit water company and is designed to support a discussion of the merits of for-profit and nonprofit firms and the optimal capital structure of for-profit firms. The two cases are linked together in that some observers blame difficulties in utility regulation for generating interest in nonprofit utilities. HKS Case Number 1810.0

In order to improve income in rural communities, towards the end of 2001, Proyecto Paria Foundation (FPP) completed a plan to reactivate the cocoa economy. At the center of the plan was CARIOCA, a civil association set up to process and market cocoa, whose partners were five grower associations (50%), FPP (30%), and EMER, a commercial firm (20%). The design was successful from the start: during its first year, CARIOCA exported 100 tons of cocoa. Yet towards the end of 2003 circumstances emerged that not only threatened the operation of CARIOCA, but the very existence of the foundation: leaders of the five grower associations, instigated by local politicians, sought to take over control of CARIOCA. Opens just after these leaders had asked the FPP to leave both the board of directors and the administration of the cocoa processing plant. At that moment, the two protagonists (both leaders of the FPP) faced a dilemma: decide whether to leave CARIOCA or try to recover control of the organization. Additionally, they had to develop a long-term strategy to assure the foundation's operation in the Paria region.

In February 2004, the general manager of the Mann Deshi Mahila Sahakari Bank failed to show up for work several days in a row. His absence followed a meeting of the full staff of the bank with the chair of the board, Chetna Sinha, in which tensions between the male and female staff were aired. The general manager was not the only male staff member to show his dissatisfaction. In January, another long-time male employee had quit, warning that all the male staff were planning to quit as well. Chetna Sinha had to decide whether to call back the general manager, or simply let him go. If she let him go, who would replace him? Chetna Sinha and other women in the village received a cooperative banking license from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in February 1997, and six months later founded the Mann Deshi Bank. The bank grew steadily, though not without problems, especially in filling the general manager position. In 2002, Chetna was invited to be a fellow at Yale's Global Fellows program, where she spent a year. In her absence, the bank passed an RBI exam, and operated with few problems. But on her return Chetna found many tensions that soon became unbearable. In December 2003, she called the full staff meeting that precipitated the departure of the two male employees. HKS Case Number 1806.0

American businessman, Greg Casagrande, founder and president of the South Pacific Business Development Foundation (SPBD) in Samoa has a decision to make: who should he hire to be the next general manager of SPBD, when the contract of his current general manager ends in January 2005. Should he hire a local Samoan or a palegi, a foreigner? Casagrande founded the SPBD, a microfinance institution (MFI) providing financial services to poor people, in January 2000. He hired a Samoan with an MBA from the US to be his general manager. Nine months later Casagrande discovered that the general manager was engaging in a variety of fraudulent activities, as were some of his staff. Casagrande was forced to leave his home in New Zealand to fly to Samoa to step in directly. He instituted a number of reforms, including the decision to lend to women only. Casagrande's reforms put the SPBD back on track and, in 2002, he hired Minh Lai, a Vietnamese-Canadian investment banker, to become the general manager. Lai built on Casagrande's reforms, expanded the client base, and introduced new products, including a savings product. But questions still remained. Was SPBD having its intended impact on the lives of its women clients? Would SPBD reach its goal of financial self-sufficiency by 2006? HKS Case Number 1804.0

In 2003, Minh Lai, manager of the South Pacific Business Development Foundation (SPBD), a nonprofit microfinance institution providing financial services to women in Samoa, made a decision to lend to fa'afafines after several asked whether SPBD would lend to them. Fa'afafines are biologically men, but dress and behave like women. How boys become fa'afafines varies. It may be a matter of choice by a boy to take on a female role or it may be a role that they are raised to play by a family that has no or few daughters and needs someone to carry out female tasks within the household: cooking, cleaning, and washing. HKS Case Number 1805.0

In February, 2004, the general manager of the Mann Deshi Mahila Sahakari Bank failed to show up for work several days in a row. His absence followed a meeting of the full staff of the bank with the chair of the board, Chetna Sinha, in which tensions between the male and female staff were aired. The general manager was not the only male staff member to show his dissatisfaction. In January, another long-time male employee had quit, warning that all the male staff were planning to quit as well. Chetna Sinha had to decide whether to call back the general manager, or simply let him go. If she let him go, who would replace him? Chetna Sinha and other women in the village received a cooperative banking license from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in February 1997, and six months later founded the Mann Deshi Bank. The bank grew steadily, though not without problems, especially in filling the general manager position. In 2002, Chetna was invited to be a fellow at Yale's Global Fellows program, where she spent a year. In her absence, the bank passed an RBI exam, and operated with few problems. But on her return Chetna found many tensions that soon became unbearable. In December, 2003, she called the full staff meeting that precipitated the departure of the two male employees. HKS Case Number 1806.1

This social entrepreneurship case focuses on the start-up and first four years of Upwardly Global, a San Francisco-based nonprofit founded to help place immigrant professionals in jobs commensurate with their levels of skill and education. The case tells the story of "UpGlo" founder Jane Leu, describing how she reached the conclusion that both government-funded refugee aid programs, and private sector job placement firms, were failing immigrants with professional backgrounds. The case describes the business model developed by Leu and traces the organization's successful emergence as a free-standing entity, supported by a combination of philanthropic grants, and corporate and individual fees. (Leu was named a fellow in 2004 by Ashoka, the international organization that s and provides support for those it designates "changemakers," primarily those who have established successful new nonprofit service-provider organizations.) HKS Case Number 1803.0

Starbucks, Target, and Nike are just a few of the businesses partnering today with not-for-profit organizations in cause-related marketing campaigns. On the one hand, these campaigns raise awareness, support, and donations for social causes such as global hunger relief. On the other hand, they enhance corporate reputations, customer loyalty, and financial gains for companies. An example of cause-related marketing is an effort organized by Macy's, Pfizer, and other businesses on behalf of the American Heart Association. The program has raised over $32 million in donations for the charity, while generating over 1 billion media impressions for corporate sponsors. Discusses the concept and practice of cause-related marketing, as well as some of its social-ethical complexities. Suggests ways to increase the effectiveness of this popular marketing tool and form of corporate philanthropy.

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In the most basic sense, a market failure occurs whenever the production or allocation of goods or services by a market is suboptimal. On one hand, this can mean that the output, price, or distribution of products is either inefficient in the sense that the overall level of economic value or social welfare could be increased. On the other hand, it can mean that the resulting allocation is inequitable or inconsistent with values of justice or fairness. From a public policy perspective, such failures are of concern because the public interest or overall social welfare is lower than it could be if the market were functioning more efficiently. Traditionally, societies have looked to government intervention to correct these market failures. Sometimes, charitable organizations got involved. However, private businesses were rarely called upon (or expected) to respond to breakdowns in efficient market operations by modifying their behaviors in a free-market system. However, a new class of actors has recently gained recognition. These individuals often found and manage organizations drawing on innovative ideas, using entrepreneurial skills, and leveraging market principles, but with one important difference from traditional entrepreneurs: they prioritize social impact over the creation of wealth. These "social entrepreneurs" have discovered and implemented new ways of creating social and environmental value by serving the needs of poor, disadvantaged, and neglected communities. Examines the insights, aspirations, and impact of three leading social entrepreneurs, their organizations, and their efforts to correct a diverse array of classical market failures.

Poses challenges facing a firm that undertakes innovative social initiatives, initially in response to threats (land invasions, assaults) derived from the poverty of its immediate surroundings and a highly polarized social and political environment. C. A. Ron Santa Teresa (CARST) is one of Venezuela's oldest family-owned firms. Rum making is among Venezuela's best known industries, going back to colonial times. CARST is the world's fourth largest rum producer (1.3 million eight-liter boxes). Focuses on April 2004, when Alberto C. Vollmer, newly designated CEO and son of the largest shareholder, must persuade CARST's board of directors of the strategic implications of their social initiatives. Allows analysis of the evolution of these initiatives and their integration into the company strategy.

This is an MIT Sloan Management Review article. Increasingly, the government agencies that enforce antitrust laws are scrutinizing organizations' marketing, and shifts in practices in the early 2000s have reinvigorated enforcement activity. Understanding what behavior raises antitrust flags is critical for companies with dominant market share in one or more product categories. There has been increasing scrutiny of shelf-slotting practices and category management in the retail sector, for example. Takes managers through the process of determining antitrust violation and lays out five important cases in which practices that seemed to fit with competitive norms or good citizenship, in fact, were ruled to be breaches of antitrust law--in some cases, with momentous penalties. Describes a sampling of the tactics that can help to temper competitiveness with caution. Concludes that it is fundamental for managers to look at their competitive tactics--and at the business strategies and processes that support those tactics--through the eyes of antitrust regulators.

As a Harvard University freshman in 1992, Eric Dawson began working on a social service project known as Peace Games, a one-day festival to teach school-age children about peace and cooperation. Dawson, however, had bigger ideas for the program. Operating first within Harvard, and later through the independent nonprofit that he founded, Dawson transformed Peace Games from a simple celebration of community into a kindergarten-8th grade, year-long conflict-resolution curriculum that he hoped to implement in schools across the country. As challenging and as critical as the program design itself, however, was the need to create, fund, and manage an organization capable of carrying the project forward. This case tells the story of how Dawson developed Peace Games in the Boston area; established a Peace Games outpost beyond Massachusetts; and attempted to launch a major nationwide expansion deemed essential not only to reach significant numbers of children and communities, but to attract the funding the organization needed to survive. HKS Case Number 1795.0

As a Harvard University freshman in 1992, Eric Dawson began working on a social service project known as Peace Games, a one-day festival to teach school-age children about peace and cooperation. Dawson, however, had bigger ideas for the program. Operating first within Harvard, and later through the independent nonprofit that he founded, Dawson transformed Peace Games from a simple celebration of community into a kindergarten-8th grade, year-long conflict-resolution curriculum that he hoped to implement in schools across the country. As challenging and as critical as the program design itself, however, was the need to create, fund, and manage an organization capable of carrying the project forward. This case tells the story of how Dawson developed Peace Games in the Boston area; established a Peace Games outpost beyond Massachusetts; and attempted to launch a major nationwide expansion deemed essential not only to reach significant numbers of children and communities, but to attract the funding the organization needed to survive. HKS Case Number 1795.1

As a Harvard University freshman in 1992, Eric Dawson began working on a social service project known as Peace Games, a one-day festival to teach school-age children about peace and cooperation. Dawson, however, had bigger ideas for the program. Operating first within Harvard, and later through the independent nonprofit that he founded, Dawson transformed Peace Games from a simple celebration of community into a kindergarten-8th grade, year-long conflict-resolution curriculum that he hoped to implement in schools across the country. As challenging and as critical as the program design itself, however, was the need to create, fund, and manage an organization capable of carrying the project forward. This case tells the story of how Dawson developed Peace Games in the Boston area; established a Peace Games outpost beyond Massachusetts; and attempted to launch a major nationwide expansion deemed essential not only to reach significant numbers of children and communities, but to attract the funding the organization needed to survive. HKS Case Number 1796.0

Describes the mission, vision, and strategy of a team of entrepreneurs headed by a charismatic heart surgeon who founded a heart hospital in Bangalore, India. The purpose of the hospital was to offer health care for the masses. This tertiary care hospital performed over 4,000 surgeries a year (approximately half on pediatric patients), which is more than that performed by The Cleveland Clinic and the Mayo Clinic (ranked #1 and #2 in the United States) combined. The interesting aspect of its business formula was its ability to offer such complex surgeries as CABG (popularly known as bypass surgery) for about $2,000, which was substantially less than other similarly equipped hospitals in India. Its founder has already entered into other complementary activities, such as a statewide insurance scheme for rural farmers--Yeshaswini. The founder has ambitious plans for a comprehensive "Walmartization" of health care in India.

Examines three fictional vignettes concerning ethical dilemmas in the sales force, presenting the perspective of the CEO or VP of sales. Lundberg Systems is a fictional company that develops call center solutions, including call distribution systems, headsets, and call center software. The first vignette features a VP of sales who must decide whether to take advantage of a junior employee to win new business. The second vignette looks at the potential sexual harassment of a junior employee by a customer. The third vignette presents a potentially questionable accounting practice.

At what point does legitimate competitive intelligence gathering cross the line into industrial espionage, and what is it about certain intelligence-gathering practices that opens them up to criticism? Examines three recent cases of industrial espionage, involving major multinationals such as Procter & Gamble, Unilever, Canal Plus, and Ericsson. The argument is made that, from an ethical point of view, industrial espionage can be assessed according to three main considerations: the tactics used in the acquisition of information, the privacy of the information concerned, and the consequences for the public interest as a result of the deployment of the information by the intelligence gatherer.

The term "social entrepreneurship" refers to the rapidly growing number of organizations that have created models for efficiently catering to basic human needs that existing markets and institutions have failed to satisfy. Social entrepreneurship combines the resourcefulness of traditional entrepreneurship with a mission to change society. One social entrepreneur, Ibrahim Abouleish, recently received the Alternative Nobel Prize for his Sekem initiative; in 2004, e-Bay founder Jeff Skoll donated 4.4 million pounds to set up a social entrepreneurship research center; and many social entrepreneurs have mingled with their business counterparts at the World Economic Forum in Davos. Social entrepreneurship offers insights that may stimulate ideas for more socially acceptable and sustainable business strategies and organizational forms. Because it contributes directly to internationally recognized sustainable development goals, social entrepreneurship may also encourage established corporations to take on greater social responsibility.