Supplement to case KS1253. On April 19, 2015, Freddie Gray, a young African American male, died while in the custody of the Baltimore Police. In response to his death, which occurred less than a year after a similar incident in Ferguson, Missouri, protestors mobilized daily in Baltimore to vocalize their frustrations, including what they saw as law enforcement's long-standing mistreatment of the African American community. Then, on April 27, following Gray's funeral, riots and acts of vandalism broke out across the city. Overwhelmed by the unrest, the Baltimore police requested assistance from other police forces. Later that evening, Maryland Governor Larry Hogan declared a state of emergency and activated the Maryland National Guard. At the local level, Baltimore Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake issued a nightly curfew beginning Tuesday evening. "Into Local Streets" focuses on the role of the National Guard in the response to the protests and violence following Gray's death, vividly depicting the actions and decision-making processes of the Guard's senior-most leaders. In particular, it highlights the experience of the state's Adjutant General, Linda Singh, who soon found herself navigating a complicated web of officials and agencies from both state and local government - and their different perspectives on how to bring an end to the crisis. Case number 2116.0

Epilogue to case KS1242. In summer and fall of 2014, thousands of individuals in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea contracted the Ebola virus. This outbreak of the deadly disease, which until then had been highly uncommon in West Africa, prompted a major (albeit delayed) public health response on the part of the international community, including an unprecedented commitment made by the United States, which sent almost 3,000 active military soldiers to Liberia. "Mission in Flux" focuses on the US military's role in the Ebola response, emphasizing the Michigan National Guard's eventual involvement. In particular, it provides readers with a first-hand account of the challenges the Michigan Guard faced as it prepared for and then deployed to Liberia, just as the crisis had begun to abate and federal officials in Washington began considering how to redefine the mission and footprint of Ebola-relief in West Africa. Case number 2107.0

In summer and fall of 2014, thousands of individuals in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea contracted the Ebola virus. This outbreak of the deadly disease, which until then had been highly uncommon in West Africa, prompted a major (albeit delayed) public health response on the part of the international community, including an unprecedented commitment made by the United States, which sent almost 3,000 active military soldiers to Liberia. "Mission in Flux" focuses on the US military's role in the Ebola response, emphasizing the Michigan National Guard's eventual involvement. In particular, it provides readers with a first-hand account of the challenges the Michigan Guard faced as it prepared for and then deployed to Liberia, just as the crisis had begun to abate and federal officials in Washington began considering how to redefine the mission and footprint of Ebola-relief in West Africa. Case number 2107.0

On April 19, 2015, Freddie Gray, a young African American male, died while in the custody of the Baltimore Police. In response to his death, which occurred less than a year after a similar incident in Ferguson, Missouri, protestors mobilized daily in Baltimore to vocalize their frustrations, including what they saw as law enforcement's long-standing mistreatment of the African American community. Then, on April 27, following Gray's funeral, riots and acts of vandalism broke out across the city. Overwhelmed by the unrest, the Baltimore police requested assistance from other police forces. Later that evening, Maryland Governor Larry Hogan declared a state of emergency and activated the Maryland National Guard. At the local level, Baltimore Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake issued a nightly curfew beginning Tuesday evening. "Into Local Streets" focuses on the role of the National Guard in the response to the protests and violence following Gray's death, vividly depicting the actions and decision-making processes of the Guard's senior-most leaders. In particular, it highlights the experience of the state's Adjutant General, Linda Singh, who soon found herself navigating a complicated web of officials and agencies from both state and local government - and their different perspectives on how to bring an end to the crisis. Case number 2116.0

This epilogue accompanies case number 2080.0. This case (Parts A&B) takes students behind the scenes at the Indiana State Department of Health (ISDH) as it struggles to recognize and manage an unusual outbreak of HIV in a poor, rural community. As ISDH learns, illegal injection of prescription drugs, mainly opioids, is spreading the disease. Users are sharing needles and thus exposing the second, third, or subsequent users to infection with HIV from potentially contaminated blood residue. ISDH recognizes that "needle exchange" is one method generally found effective in other states in reducing infections among injection drug users. Drug users can bring used needles to a clinic or other exchange location and receive fresh ones without fearing that they will be subject to arrest or other sanctions. However, Indiana, with a conservative legislature and governor, has by law long banned needle exchanges because it perceives these to encourage drug use. In reading and discussing this case study, students will learn about how Indiana Governor Mike Pence, Indiana Health Commissioner Jerome Adams, and the legislature all sought to balance public health concerns against long-held beliefs about how best to fight the war against drugs.

This case (Parts A&B) takes students behind the scenes at the Indiana State Department of Health (ISDH) as it struggles to recognize and manage an unusual outbreak of HIV in a poor, rural community. As ISDH learns, illegal injection of prescription drugs, mainly opioids, is spreading the disease. Users are sharing needles and thus exposing the second, third, or subsequent users to infection with HIV from potentially contaminated blood residue. ISDH recognizes that "needle exchange" is one method generally found effective in other states in reducing infections among injection drug users. Drug users can bring used needles to a clinic or other exchange location and receive fresh ones without fearing that they will be subject to arrest or other sanctions. However, Indiana, with a conservative legislature and governor, has by law long banned needle exchanges because it perceives these to encourage drug use. In reading and discussing this case study, students will learn about how Indiana Governor Mike Pence, Indiana Health Commissioner Jerome Adams, and the legislature all sought to balance public health concerns against long-held beliefs about how best to fight the war against drugs.

This case (Parts A&B) takes students behind the scenes at the Indiana State Department of Health (ISDH) as it struggles to recognize and manage an unusual outbreak of HIV in a poor, rural community. As ISDH learns, illegal injection of prescription drugs, mainly opioids, is spreading the disease. Users are sharing needles and thus exposing the second, third, or subsequent users to infection with HIV from potentially contaminated blood residue. ISDH recognizes that "needle exchange" is one method generally found effective in other states in reducing infections among injection drug users. Drug users can bring used needles to a clinic or other exchange location and receive fresh ones without fearing that they will be subject to arrest or other sanctions. However, Indiana, with a conservative legislature and governor, has by law long banned needle exchanges because it perceives these to encourage drug use. In reading and discussing this case study, students will learn about how Indiana Governor Mike Pence, Indiana Health Commissioner Jerome Adams, and the legislature all sought to balance public health concerns against long-held beliefs about how best to fight the war against drugs.

This epilogue accompanies case number KS1160. In September 2014, as several West African countries continued to battle a deadly outbreak of the Ebola virus, Dallas, Texas emerged as ground zero for the disease in the U.S. This case recounts how, over the course of three days, Thomas Eric Duncan, who had recently arrived in the city from Liberia, reported twice to Dallas Presbyterian Hospital exhibiting signs of illness. Having sent him home after his first visit, the hospital admitted him after his second; and with his symptoms worsening rapidly, tests soon revealed everyone's worst fear: he had Ebola. "Fears and Realities" describes how local, state, and federal public health authorities, along with elected officials and hospital administrators, responded to the alarming news - a hugely difficult task made all the more challenging by confusion over Duncan's background and travel history, and, eventually, by the intense focus and considerable concern on the part of the media and public at large. Efforts to curtail the spread of the disease were further complicated when two nurses who had cared for Duncan also tested positive for Ebola, even though they apparently had followed CDC protocols when interacting with him. With three confirmed cases of the disease in Dallas - each patient with their own network of contacts - authorities scrambled to understand what was happening and to figure out a way to bring the crisis to an end before more people were exposed to the highly virulent disease. Case number KS1161.

In September 2014, as several West African countries continued to battle a deadly outbreak of the Ebola virus, Dallas, Texas emerged as ground zero for the disease in the U.S. This case recounts how, over the course of three days, Thomas Eric Duncan, who had recently arrived in the city from Liberia, reported twice to Dallas Presbyterian Hospital exhibiting signs of illness. Having sent him home after his first visit, the hospital admitted him after his second; and with his symptoms worsening rapidly, tests soon revealed everyone's worst fear: he had Ebola. "Fears and Realities" describes how local, state, and federal public health authorities, along with elected officials and hospital administrators, responded to the alarming news - a hugely difficult task made all the more challenging by confusion over Duncan's background and travel history, and, eventually, by the intense focus and considerable concern on the part of the media and public at large. Efforts to curtail the spread of the disease were further complicated when two nurses who had cared for Duncan also tested positive for Ebola, even though they apparently had followed CDC protocols when interacting with him. With three confirmed cases of the disease in Dallas - each patient with their own network of contacts - authorities scrambled to understand what was happening and to figure out a way to bring the crisis to an end before more people were exposed to the highly virulent disease.

Physician Moka Lantum was ready to try his hand as a social entrepreneur, aiming to improve healthcare for an underserved population in rural Kenya, where access to clinics was difficult, curable diseases flourished, maternal and child mortality rates were high, and dangerous counterfeit drugs flooded the market. Lantum began to develop a technological solution that could address multiple public sector healthcare problems through a single IT tool, ZiDi, a cloud-based system that could process a wide array of information, from individual patients and their symptoms to drug supplies, the utilization rate of individual clinics, or staff absenteeism. Lantum and a Kenyan partner incorporated MicroClinic Technologies Inc. (MCT), launching ZiDi in August 2012. Lantum's goal for MCT was to demonstrate that ZiDi could improve maternal and child health in rural clinics and dispensaries, and persuade the government to buy it. Over the next two years, ZiDi proved useful, and MCT won endorsements and awards-but no government contract, not even a request for proposal (RFP). By August 2014, the slow pace of government decision-making was threatening MCT's existence. Lantum had to decide: stay the public sector course or diversify into an uncharted market segment with its own unknowns?

This case (1834.0 and related epilogue 1834.1 and abridged case 1834.3) tells the story of Major General David Petraeus and the US Army's 101st Airborne Division in the months following the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, the fall of Baghdad, and collapse of Saddam Hussein's government. Having completed their combat mission, and with just a few days notice, the 101st is ordered to Mosul, Iraq's third largest city and the capital of Nineveh province. Their orders were spare - get up to Mosul and Nineveh Province and get things under control. The case details the development and implementation of the 101st strategy to bring stability to Mosul and the surrounding area and provides insight into General David Petraeus and his approach to leadership. While set in a military organization in wartime, the case is not about military operations. Petraeus and his division, with little notice or preparation, undertake traditionally civilian tasks associated with reconstruction and governance. HKS Case Number 1834.3

This case study examines-through the lens of governance structure-the evolution of the Central Artery (or "Big Dig") in Boston, a public works project of historic proportion which had the potential to create a green oasis of parks in the heart of downtown. It tells the story of the struggle over who would eventually control and finance the maintenance of the Rose F. Kennedy Greenway-the name given to land created when an elevated highway was dismantled and the roadway rebuilt underground. Those who wanted control, but not necessarily financial responsibility, included the mayor of Boston, the governor, the legislature and the Massachusetts Turnpike Authority (a quasi-governmental body). Issues of park design entangled with governance questions, leading to a stalemate of nearly 15 years. But in 2004, Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA) pushed for a resolution so that the Greenway could be dedicated in connection with Boston's role as host of the July Democratic Party presidential convention. Over the years of debate, various models of governance for the Greenway were discussed and dismissed. Some of them involved private sector partners; some did not. Students will have the opportunity to compare and contrast the proposed governance models, judging them on their merits as well as on their political suitability. They will gain insight into the differences in operations and public accountability among a public agency, a foundation, a conservancy or a nonprofit trust. HKS Case Number 1839.0

This case (1834.0 and related epilogue 1834.1 and abridged case 1834.3) tells the story of Major General David Petraeus and the US Army's 101st Airborne Division in the months following the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, the fall of Baghdad, and collapse of Saddam Hussein's government. Having completed their combat mission, and with just a few days notice, the 101st is ordered to Mosul, Iraq's third largest city and the capital of Nineveh province. Their orders were spare - get up to Mosul and Nineveh Province and get things under control. The case details the development and implementation of the 101st strategy to bring stability to Mosul and the surrounding area and provides insight into General David Petraeus and his approach to leadership. While set in a military organization in wartime, the case is not about military operations. Petraeus and his division, with little notice or preparation, undertake traditionally civilian tasks associated with reconstruction and governance. HKS Case Number 1834.0

This case (1834.0 and related epilogue 1834.1 and abridged case 1834.3) tells the story of Major General David Petraeus and the US Army's 101st Airborne Division in the months following the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, the fall of Baghdad, and collapse of Saddam Hussein's government. Having completed their combat mission, and with just a few days notice, the 101st is ordered to Mosul, Iraq's third largest city and the capital of Nineveh province. Their orders were spare - get up to Mosul and Nineveh Province and get things under control. The case details the development and implementation of the 101st strategy to bring stability to Mosul and the surrounding area and provides insight into General David Petraeus and his approach to leadership. While set in a military organization in wartime, the case is not about military operations. Petraeus and his division, with little notice or preparation, undertake traditionally civilian tasks associated with reconstruction and governance. HKS Case Number 1834.0

In October 2003, a confluence in southern California of low humidity, dead vegetation, and Santa Ana winds created the conditions for a firestorm-multiple fires that burned for some two weeks, scorched hundreds of thousands of acres, destroyed thousands of buildings, and took 24 lives. One conflagration, the Cedar Fire in San Diego County, became the largest in state history. While California boasts one of the best firefighting operations in the world, with exhaustive coordination across federal, state and local boundaries, this set of fires sent the system reeling. In the midst of operational chaos, highly placed elected officials in San Diego entered the fray with offers of military aircraft and helicopters to fight the fire-which the firefighters did not want. This case tells the story of what can happen when the operational imperative-to fight fires effectively but safely-collides with the political imperative to override established procedures as necessary to protect the public.

When the World Bank signed an agreement with the government of Peru in December, 1997 to provide a $22.5 million loan to help reform the country's antiquated and corrupt judicial system, the Bank knew it faced risks. Peru's President Alberto Fujimori was under fire and observers considered it possible that, rather than exhibiting real commitment to reform, the government may have been seeking the loan chiefly to lend a veneer of legitimacy to measures that in reality reduced judicial independence and concentrated more power in the executive. On balance, however, Bank officials who had to make the decision on whether to proceed with the agreement believed it offered a rare opportunity to address a variety of longstanding ills-including limited access to the justice system, a crumbling infrastructure, and inadequate training of judges and prosecutors. But just three months after the agreement had been signed, Peru's Congress-dominated by members loyal to the President-passed a measure which led Bank officials to question the good faith of the government. The new law limited the powers of one of the pillars of the loan agreement-the National Council of Magistrates, an independent entity mandated to , ratify and remove judges and prosecutors. The Council's members resigned en masse and, in response, the Bank postponed the effective date of the judicial reform loan by six months-halting any disbursement of funds. But in the days following the announcement, Peru's government put increasing pressure on the Bank to change its mind-and finally summoned the Bank's country director for Peru to a personal meeting with President Fujimori. The country director would have to decide whether to stick with the loan postponement-and, more broadly, take stock of what was really going on in Peru. Would the loan help a government sincerely embarked on reform? Or might it simply abet a government bent on subverting the judiciary to further its own political goals? HKS Case Number 1779.0

In 1990, President Alberto Fujimori swept to power in Peru on a wave of public enthusiasm for his promised reforms. Indeed, over the next five years Fujimori accomplished something of an economic turnaround miracle. He also vanquished a homegrown terrorist movement and proved a willing partner in the war against drugs. The international community, including the US, admired and supported him. By Fujimori's side stood a shadowy figure, Vladimiro Montesinos. Never appointed to any official office, Montesinos nonetheless became the virtual head of the intelligence service, and he exercised unique influence over Fujimori. His reputation was as Mr. Fix-it: he could get anything done. Both Fujimori and the US (he had a relationship with the CIA) benefited from his services. With Montesinos' behind-the-scenes assistance, Fujimori's government became ever more authoritarian, extending executive influence over the judiciary, the military and the legislature. But in September 2000, the reason for Montesinos' remarkable effectiveness was dramatically exposed with the television airing of a videotape in which he bribed an opposition congressman. As the story unfolded, Montesinos was revealed as the mastermind of a sophisticated network of corruption which reached into most sectors of society: the legislature, judiciary, media, military and industry. Working with the primary evidence of the videotapes, this case paints a rarely glimpsed picture of corruption in action. It describes Montesinos' rise to power, and the mechanics and protocols of bribery and fraud. HKS Case Number 1722.0

When the World Bank signed an agreement with the government of Peru in December, 1997 to provide a $22.5 million loan to help reform the country's antiquated and corrupt judicial system, the Bank knew it faced risks. Peru's President Alberto Fujimori was under fire and observers considered it possible that, rather than exhibiting real commitment to reform, the government may have been seeking the loan chiefly to lend a veneer of legitimacy to measures that in reality reduced judicial independence and concentrated more power in the executive. On balance, however, Bank officials who had to make the decision on whether to proceed with the agreement believed it offered a rare opportunity to address a variety of longstanding ills-including limited access to the justice system, a crumbling infrastructure, and inadequate training of judges and prosecutors. But just three months after the agreement had been signed, Peru's Congress-dominated by members loyal to the President-passed a measure which led Bank officials to question the good faith of the government. The new law limited the powers of one of the pillars of the loan agreement-the National Council of Magistrates, an independent entity mandated to , ratify and remove judges and prosecutors. The Council's members resigned en masse and, in response, the Bank postponed the effective date of the judicial reform loan by six months-halting any disbursement of funds. But in the days following the announcement, Peru's government put increasing pressure on the Bank to change its mind-and finally summoned the Bank's country director for Peru to a personal meeting with President Fujimori. The country director would have to decide whether to stick with the loan postponement-and, more broadly, take stock of what was really going on in Peru. Would the loan help a government sincerely embarked on reform? Or might it simply abet a government bent on subverting the judiciary to further its own political goals? HKS Case Number 1779.0

In 1990, President Alberto Fujimori swept to power in Peru on a wave of public enthusiasm for his promised reforms. Indeed, over the next five years Fujimori accomplished something of an economic turnaround miracle. He also vanquished a homegrown terrorist movement and proved a willing partner in the war against drugs. The international community, including the US, admired and supported him. By Fujimori's side stood a shadowy figure, Vladimiro Montesinos. Never appointed to any official office, Montesinos nonetheless became the virtual head of the intelligence service, and he exercised unique influence over Fujimori. His reputation was as Mr. Fix-it: he could get anything done. Both Fujimori and the US (he had a relationship with the CIA) benefited from his services. With Montesinos' behind-the-scenes assistance, Fujimori's government became ever more authoritarian, extending executive influence over the judiciary, the military and the legislature. But in September 2000, the reason for Montesinos' remarkable effectiveness was dramatically exposed with the television airing of a videotape in which he bribed an opposition congressman. As the story unfolded, Montesinos was revealed as the mastermind of a sophisticated network of corruption which reached into most sectors of society: the legislature, judiciary, media, military and industry. Working with the primary evidence of the videotapes, this case paints a rarely glimpsed picture of corruption in action. It describes Montesinos' rise to power, and the mechanics and protocols of bribery and fraud. HKS Case Number 1722.0

On October 21, 2001, a postal worker from a mail sorting facility in Washington, DC, died of inhalation anthrax-a disease virtually unseen for a century. The next day, a second employee from the same facility died. Fear of anthrax had already infected the public: media workers in Florida and New York City had contracted the disease. In addition, Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-SD) had received an anthrax-laden letter, his staff were all on antibiotics, and the Senate and House of Representatives buildings had closed for anthrax tests. This new threat re-ignited a sense of public panic. Virtually overnight, the United States Postal Service (USPS) found itself at the eye of a national security and public health storm. This case discusses how the USPS dealt with the anthrax crisis. HKS Case Number 1692.0.