Banca Comunitaria Banesco (BCB) was the microfinance business unit of Banesco Banco Universal (BBU), the largest private bank in Venezuela. By 2016 BCB was one of the leading microcredit institutions in Venezuela, serving more than 85,000 people in more than 8,000 low-income neighborhoods throughout the country, with 10% market share. However, there were concerns about the sustainability of BCB's inclusive business model and distribution channel. Serving BOP customers (80% of the Venezuelan population) posed several challenges. Venezuela was facing an economic and social crisis, combined with a decreasing GDP and skyrocketing inflation rates, a scarcity of essential goods, the plunging purchasing power of its population, and raising security issues, all of which had an overall negative impact on BCB customers' businesses. In this context BCB had to streamline the use of BBU's banking operative platform, build synergies and apply stricter customer risk assessment to gain financial viability. The necessity to be more cost-efficient went hand in hand with the need to evaluate new service models, that combined technological and human factors, to broaden BCB's reach and customer satisfaction and its social impact. Some questions needed to be addressed: Should BCB try to preserve the current omnichannel in place? Should BCB risk reducing its presence in the barrios and adopt a cost-efficient alternative as mobile banking technology?

Vox Capital was a pioneer as an impact investment company in Brazil, with the purpose of creating a world where businesses can generate positive social transformations. Vox Capital decided to invest in businesses that improve the current essential service provision, such as the Health Sector, and that contribute to the reduction of social inequalities in Brazil. In 2015, Vox Capital decided to invest in Magnamed, a Brazilian company, 100% national, which develops, manufactures and sells medical equipment, specialized in pulmonary ventilation for the care of hospital patients dependent on critical care (intensive care) and transportation of patients in ambulances. Around 70% of the Brazilian population relied on the public health system (SUS) when they needed assistance, especially low-income classes. But SUS had a mayor problem, which was the shortage of beds in hospitals, mainly due to lack of both equipment and trained personnel capable of operating them. Vox Capital invested in Magnamed because its products could make SUS better, reducing inequalities in access and quality of health service. Their products were cheaper, easy-to-use and were better adapted to the living conditions of our country (have longer-lasting batteries and take up less space). Magnamed's main markets were emerging countries, in which the characteristics of the Brazilian equipment were suited to local realities. In 2017, the company announced bold internationalization plans with the opening of its first international factory, with an investment of $ 2 million, in the United States. The situation portrayed in this case is fictional and reflects some questions faced by Gilberto Ribeiro, a partner of Vox Capital. In this scene, Gilberto was challenged during a public event by the moderator of the panel in which he participated with the question, "In seeking to grow abroad, does the company [Magnamed] continue with its social focus?

This was largely achieved through alliances and collaborations with public and private organizations. The case ends when Ascardio's Administrative Technical Council was discussing the organization's options to face the progressive loss of support from key actors, in an increasing complicated economic and political environment. On one hand, Ascardio had the option of modifying its fee system. Crosssubsidies were becoming increasingly difficult to manage and the remuneration of residents required urgent updating. Also, public and private contributions to patients in need of financial support to access Ascardio's cardiological services were declining. On the other hand, Ascardio had the option to use the social capital of Dr. Finizola and his family, as well as the one accumulated by Ascardio, to launch an aggressive fundraising campaign, and seek contributions in volunteering hours from the citizens of the region-well known for the mutual trust and solidarity of its citizens and organizations. Having analyzed both options, students will decide if Ascardio: 1) Should sacrifice universality to ensure financial sustainability and market positioning, while running the risk of losing legitimacy among its stakeholders. 2) Should seek alternatives for mobilizing the region's civil society and different forms of volunteering to secure an inclusive health service, available for all public regardless of their ability to pay, but risking to lose quality of service.

In 1996, NorPetrol arrived in Venezuela, where it started upstream oil operations. The company engaged in corporate social responsibility initiatives to support its operations, choosing its programs after consulting with local stakeholders. Upon arriving in the Paria Gulf area, Francisca Rios, head of the company's Social Investment and Community Relations Coordinating Unit, met with politicians, community leaders, public officials, and grassroots organizations' representatives to learn about their expectations and issues, and to communicate the company's investment plans and projects with a potential impact on their communities. A stakeholder identified by the company was Asopescar, an association of traditional fishermen. Tensions between fishermen and oil companies were commonplace. The former blamed NorPetrol for the degradation of a mangrove swamp and a significant decrease in production during the fishing season. Francisca Rios did not want to build a relationship with the fishermen based on donations and assistance. Intending empower them, she decided to channel a portion of her social investment budget to turn Asopescar fishermen into entrepreneurs. In 2006, Francisca Rios considered that Asopescar had made great progress as a productive, self-sustaining company. However, a number of problems had arisen in the organization, forcing her to rethink upcoming investments of NorPetrol in the association. Problems included rising unpaid debts of Asopecar members with their own organization, member drop-out, administrative chaos and informality in money handling, and high operating costs.The case raises the challenges facing an oil company to achieve a social license to operate, as well as its attempts to secure sustainable community development processes in its areas of influence. It takes place in April 2006, at which time Francisca Rios, wondered what to do with her initiative to support modernization of the productive model of a group of small-scale fishermen.

In 2003, the FEMSA Corporation -a Mexican company- acquired 100% of the shares of the largest franchise of the Coca-Cola system in Latin America (PANAMCO), and placed itself at the lead of the sales of carbonated beverages and other soft drinks in different countries of South America, including Colombia, which had been struggling with armed groups since the 1970s. This case explores how Coca-Cola FEMSA included different initiatives in its sustainability strategy, aimed at supporting the process of peaceful demobilization that would be carried out by the Alta Consejeria para la Reintegracion (ACR, High-Council for Reintegration) of the Colombian Government. As part of this disarmament process, the ACR offered the demobilized combatants (former combatants that had decided to lay down their arms peacefully and turn themselves in to the proper authorities) different options for social reintegration, such as financing for starting new businesses and connections with companies that could provide jobs, among other things, which were also shared with the business sector to see how it could help support the process. By August 2011, Coca-Cola FEMSA had already been collaborating with the Colombian Government for a little over three years, and had diversified its initiatives to support not only the former combatants, but also the soldiers, victims and general public affected by the conflict. Despite these multiple efforts, however, the actual impact of the company's actions on the solution of the problem of reintegrating more than 50,000 demobilized combatants was still negligible. Therefore, the ACR requested greater commitment from the company in the form of a massive campaign to broadcast the initiatives, in an attempt to motivate and increase the number of participating companies.

Cruzsalud was a medium-sized company, founded in November 2004. The company's business model was based on the concept pre-paid health care, by means of which low-income subscribers obtain a set of health services in exchange for a fixed monthly payment, with prices ranging from 9 to 40 thousand bolivars (US$ 4.00 to 18.60) per month. Once operations were under way, Cruzsalud had to face several management problems linked to expected sales and subscriber fee collection mechanisms. Moreover, Cruzsalud faced a dilemma related to its business model. The Law for Workplace Prevention, Conditions, and Environment, which was passed in July 2005, forced companies, regardless of size, to provide workplace health and safety services. In response to that mandate, and the determination shown by authorities to comply with it, business demand for health services spiraled. This opportunity, together with the difficulties faced in reaching the required volume of customers, led the shareholders to wonder whether Cruzsalud should continue to focus on the low-income sector, as managers proposed, or move towards the market for employee health plans.

The case highlights the difficulties faced by a social organization that has been able to expand activities throughout Latin America by developing a highly successful organizational model that responds adequately to different local realities and characteristics, but faces serious limitations as it projects itself internationally. The case is set in September 2005, when the time horizon for the Global Development and Institutional Strengthening Plan is coming to an end; Fe y Alegria (FyA) must now determine how to position itself internationally in 2009, and what it must do to achieve its goal. FyA defines itself as "an international movement for integral popular education and social development" in which both laypersons and members of diverse religious orders participate. Towards the end of 2004, FyA operated in 15 Latin American countries, serving more than one million students in formal education programs (preschool, primary, and secondary), together with other educational activities (work skills, adult education, broadcast education, and other). In each country FyA operates as a nonprofit public service organization, with its own legal entity. Internationally, it operates as a Federation of national agencies. FyA schools had captured the attention of organizations and individuals concerned with improving the quality of education, especially that provided to the poorest segments of society.

Poses challenges facing a firm that undertakes innovative social initiatives, initially in response to threats (land invasions, assaults) derived from the poverty of its immediate surroundings and a highly polarized social and political environment. C. A. Ron Santa Teresa (CARST) is one of Venezuela's oldest family-owned firms. Rum making is among Venezuela's best known industries, going back to colonial times. CARST is the world's fourth largest rum producer (1.3 million eight-liter boxes). Focuses on April 2004, when Alberto C. Vollmer, newly designated CEO and son of the largest shareholder, must persuade CARST's board of directors of the strategic implications of their social initiatives. Allows analysis of the evolution of these initiatives and their integration into the company strategy.