In March 2006, Iftekhar Enayetullah and Abu Hasnat Md. Maqsood Sinha, the cofounders of Waste Concern, a social enterprise based in Dhaka, Bangladesh, and focused on developing innovative waste management solutions for cities in emerging Asia, faced their biggest challenge yet: scaling up their organization's activities and impact. The previous fall, working with a Dutch recycling firm, Waste Concern had secured approval from the United Nations and the Bangladeshi government for two projects under the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism, a policy program designed to spur infrastructure investments in emerging countries that would help reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. To move forward with the projects, Waste Concern also required access to the Matuail landfill, which was owned and operated by the Dhaka City Corporation, the city government of Bangladesh's capital. But despite the projects' obvious benefits to Dhaka and Waste Concern's lobbying of key local officials for months, the DCC still had not granted its permission, and it was unclear whether the DCC ever would. The clock was ticking for Enayetullah and Sinha. Was there a way to persuade the DCC to provide access to the landfill so that Waste Concern could pursue the two CDM projects at Matuail as planned? Or would the social entrepreneurs be better off taking a different path to scale Waste Concern's efforts to address urban waste management and global climate change?

This note examines the economic and political impact of the Australian government's deregulation and climate change policies, as well as a slew of additional corresponding market factors, on Australia's energy and electricity markets. Since the Australian government began its concerted effort to deregulate the power generation industry in the 1990s, prices for electricity and natural gas have risen significantly faster than either automotive fuel or the broader Australian consumer price index. As a result, Australia's energy and electricity markets and the government's intervention (or lack thereof) in these markets have become an extremely important and divisive political issue for the country.

Supplement to case P93A. In 2015, the Nevada Public Utility Commission (PUC) passed a ruling that essentially eliminated net metering, dramatically reducing the compensation rate for home solar owners selling excess electricity back to the utility company. As a result, solar companies, including Sunrun, were forced to close down operations, severing 3,000 industry jobs. This case profiles the PUC's decision, and Sunrun's strategy in dealing with out-of-market forces in order to retain a sales presence in the state of Nevada.

In 2015, the Nevada Public Utility Commission (PUC) passed a ruling that essentially eliminated net metering, dramatically reducing the compensation rate for home solar owners selling excess electricity back to the utility company. As a result, solar companies, including Sunrun, were forced to close down operations, severing 3,000 industry jobs. This case profiles the PUC's decision, and Sunrun's strategy in dealing with out-of-market forces in order to retain a sales presence in the state of Nevada.

In 2011, The Walt Disney Company and other content owners aggressively lobbied Congress to pass the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA). The intent was to prevent unauthorized copying and transmission of copyrighted materials. This had been largely eliminated on U.S.-based websites, but some copyright owners claimed it was prevalent overseas. SOPA (and its companion legislation "Protect IP Act," or PIPA), would allow the government or private companies to request court orders to bar any U.S. company from "enabling" alleged infringing sites. SOPA initially had bipartisan support, and previous efforts to strengthen copyright protection had faced little opposition. The bill supported the commercial interests of Disney and other content owners. However, many of the specifics of SOPA and PIPA had the potential to stir powerful opposition from a wide variety of sources. The case discusses copyright law and the impact of technology advances on protection of copyrighted materials. It also describes SOPA and aspects of the proposed law that might attract opposition. The case concludes by asking students to consider SOPA from the perspective of both Disney and potential opponents.

Uber, which began operations in 2010, provided a service that allowed customers to call for a limousine using their mobile device. A car would arrive within minutes, and the fee for the trip (including gratuity) would be charged to the customer's credit card. The service was more expensive than a taxi, but cheaper and more responsive than a conventional limousine service. Uber did not own limousines, but contracted with existing, licensed, limousine owners and drivers. By mid-2012, it had service in 16 cities, mostly in the United States. Taxi and limousine operation are heavily regulated at the city and/or state level. Uber's business model did not fit into the conventional regulatory framework for either taxis or limousines, and the company faced intense opposition by taxi drivers and regulators in some cities. The case focuses on Uber's regulatory challenges in Washington, D.C. In July 2012, the Washington D.C. City Council was preparing to vote on a measure that would legitimize Uber's existing operations, but prevent it from offering a planned lower-priced service. The case explores how the company dealt with regulators as part of its corporate strategy.